Νεαρά αριθμός 90 για τους μάρτυρες στις δίκες

Η Βυζαντινή πολιτική για τα δικαστήρια. Στο παρακάτω απόσπασμα καθορίζεται το ποιοι νομιμοποιούνται να παραστούν ως μάρτυρες σε μία δίκη. Όσοι έχουν εκπέσει από την θέση τους, οι χαμερπείς, οι άσημοι και οι αφανείς αποκλείονται. Μάρτυρες δύνανται να είναι μόνον οι ευυπόληπτοι άνδρες:

"θεσπίζομεν δε, και μάλιστα επί της μεγάλης ταύτης και ευδαίμονος πόλεως, ένθα πλείστη καθέστηκε (θεός δε ηγείσθω του λόγου) πολλών και αγαθών ανδρών ευπορία, ευυπολήπτους δειν είναι τους μάρτυρας, και ή κρείττους της τοιαύτης διαβολής διά το της αξίας ή στρατείας ή ευπορίας ή επιτηδεύσεως αναμφισβήτητον, ή είπερ ου τοιούτοι καθεστάσιν, υφ' ετέρων γουν ότι καθεστάσιν αξιόπιστοι μαρτυρούμενοι` και μη τινάς επιδιφρίους μηδέ χαμερπείς μηδέ παντοίως ασήμους επί μαρτυρίαν ιέναι, αλλ' ώστε είπερ αμφισβητηθείη τα κατ' αυτούς, δύνασθαι ραδίως αποδεικνύναι τον των μαρτυρησάντων βίον ως άμεμπτός τε και επιεικής είη. Ει δε άγνωστοί τινες είεν και πανταχόθεν αφανείς και τι φανείεν όλως περί την μαρτυρίαν των αληθών διαφθείραι σπεύδοντες, δύνασθαι και βασάνοις αυτούς υποκείσθαι, και τους δικαστάς, ει μεν άρχοντες είεν, αυτούς τούτο πράττειν, ει δε έτεροι παρά τους τας αρχάς έχοντας, ενταύθα μεν παραλαμβάνειν τον υπουργούντα τωι μεγαλοπρεπεστάτωι πραίτωρι των δήμων, κατά χώραν δε τον των τόπων έκδικον, και δι' αυτών προσάγειν αυτοίς την εκ των βασάνων πείραν, όπως αν ταύτηι γουν μηδέν κατακρύψαιεν των αληθών, ή και αλοίεν δια ταύτης της οδού χρημάτων την μαρτυρίαν ποιούμενοι ή και άλλως περί αυτήν κακουργούντες."

Νεαρά αρ.90 Εξεδόθη το 539 μ.Χ

Η 1η άλωση της Θεσσαλονίκης το 904

Η μεσαιωνική Θεσσαλονίκη υπέστη 3 μεγάλες αλώσεις. Η 1η το 904 από τους Σαρακηνούς, η 2η το 1185 από του Νορμανδούς και η τρίτη το 1430 από τους Οθωμανούς.

Το παρακάτω απόσπασμα από την αφήγηση του Ιωάννου Καμενιάτου αναφέρεται στην 1η άλωση της Θεσσαλονίκης από τον αραβικό στόλο του εξωμότη Λέοντος Τριπολίτου το 904 μ.Χ:

ΙΩΑΝΝΟΥ ΚΛΗΡΙΚΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΚΟΥΒΟΥΚΛΕΙΣΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΜΙΝΙΑΤΟΥ ΕΙΣ ΤΗΝ ΑΛΩΣΙΝ ΤΗΣ ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗΣ

Ὡς ἀρίστη τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἡ φιλοπονία καὶ πάσης ἀρετῆς κτῆσιν ἐν ἑαυτῇ μαρτυροῦσα 

1.2 σοῦ δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων πλεονεκτημάτων ἔκδηλον καὶ ἐν τούτῳ καθέστηκε τὸ φιλόπονον͵ ὦ ἀνδρῶν βέλτιστε καὶ πολυμαθέστατε Γρηγόριε͵.[1] οἷς τε πρὸς ἡμᾶς γράφεις καὶ οἷς παρ΄ ἡμῶν ἐπιζητεῖς διὰ γραμμάτων μαθεῖν.

1.3 οὐκ ὀλίγης γὰρ ἀρετῆς καὶ φιλοπόνου σπουδῆς ἐπίδειξιν ἔχει τὸ πολλῶν ἐθέλειν εἰληφέναι πραγμάτων γνῶσιν͵ καὶ μάλιστα δι΄ ὧν ψυχὴ τὸν θεῖον φόβον ἐγκυμονεῖ καὶ οἷον χρειώδεις τινὰς ἀφορμὰς ἐκ τούτου τῷ θεωρητικῷ μέρει τοῦ νοὸς ἐμβιβάζει͵ ἐξ ὧν διδάσκεται τῆς μὲν ἁμαρτίας ἐκκλίνειν ὡς δημιουργοῦ τοῦ θανάτου͵ ἔχεσθαι δὲ τῆς ἀρετῆς͵ ἧς τὸ τέλος ζωὴ αἰώνιος τοῖς αἱρουμένοις αὐτήν.

3.2 καὶ σοί γε γνωσθεὶς ἄρτι τὴν περὶ αὐτῆς ἐκείνης γνῶσιν εἰσπράττομαι͵ πόλεως μεγάλης καὶ πρώτης τῶν Μακεδόνων͵ τἆλλα μὲν περιφανοῦς οἷς σεμνύνεται πόλις͵ καὶ μηδεμιᾷ τῶν ἔγγιστα παραχωρούσης μὴ ὅτι κατ΄ αὐτὴν ὀφθῆναι͵ περιφανεστέρας δὲ τὴν εὐσέβειαν͵ ἣν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐδέξατο καὶ δεξαμένη μέχρι τοῦ νῦν διεσώσατο.

3.3 αὐτὸν γὰρ αὐχεῖ Θεσσαλονίκη τὸν Παῦλον ἔχειν τῆς εὐσεβείας διδάσκαλον͵ τὸ σκεῦος τῆς ἐκλογῆς͵ ὃς ἀπὸ Ἱερουσαλὴμ κύκλῳ καὶ μέχρι τοῦ Ἰλλυρικοῦ τῷ εὐαγγελικῷ περιλαβὼν τὴν οἰκουμένην κηρύγματι ἐν αὐτῇ μᾶλλον τὸν τῆς θεογνωσίας σπόρον κατέβαλε καὶ πολύχουν ἀποδίδοσθαι τὸν τῆς πίστεως καρπὸν διεσπούδασε·

3.4 μετ΄ ἐκεῖνον δὲ τὸν μέγαν ἐν μάρτυσι καὶ ἀξιοθαύμαστον ἐν ἀθλοφόροις Δημήτριον τὸν μυροβλύτην͵ πολὺν ἀγῶνα καὶ αὐτὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐσεβείας καταβαλλόμενον (καὶ γὰρ ἦν πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις τῆς ἀρετῆς αὐχήμασιν ἔτι καὶ θείοις ἐμπρέπων διδάγμασιν καὶ τῇ περὶ τῶν δογμάτων ἀκριβείᾳ κεκοσμημένος͵ ἐξ οὗ καὶ μᾶλλον τὸ περὶ αὐτοῦ διεδόθη κλέος τοῖς πέρασιν.

4.1 στιν οὖν ἡ πόλις[2]͵ ὡς εἴρηται͵ μεγάλη τε καὶ εὐρεῖα͵ τείχεσι καὶ προβόλοις συχνοῖς κατωχυρωμένη καὶ τὸ ἀσφαλὲς τοῖς οἰκήτορσιν ὅσον ἐκ τῆς τούτων οἰκοδομῆς παρεχομένη͵ θαλάσσιον ἔχουσα κόλπον ἐκ νότου καθηπλωμένον͵ ᾧ καὶ περικλυζομένη τὴν ἐκ πλαγίου πλευρὰν ταῖς ἁπανταχόθεν εἰσρεούσαις ὁλκάσιν εὐεπίβατον τὴν πρὸς αὐτὴν πορείαν παρέχεται.

4.2 ὑποκοιλαίνεται γάρ τις ἐκεῖσε θαυμαστὸς λιμήν͵ ἀσφαλῶς ὑπτιάζων τοῖς πλωτῆρσι τὴν εἴσοδον͵ ταῖς ἐκ πνευμάτων παντελῶς ἀπείρατος ταραχαῖς καὶ τὸν ὅρμον ἀκύμονα καθιστῶν.

4.3 ὃν ἐκ τῆς λοιπῆς θαλάσσης ὁ τεχνίτης ἀπέτεμε· μέσον γὰρ ἀπείρξας[3]διά τινος τείχους τὴν τῶν ὑδάτων ἐπίρροιαν͵ συναπεῖρξεν ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς θάλασσαν καὶ τῶν πνευμάτων τὸν κλύδωνα.

4.4 ἡ θάλασσα γὰρ τῷ βυθῷ φυσωμένη καὶ τὴν ἐκδρομὴν πρὸς τὴν χέρσον ἐρευγομένη͵ τῷ διαφράγματι τοῦ τῇδε τείχους κωλυομένη͵ μὴ ἔχουσα τίνι τὴν ἀπειλὴν ἐπαφήσει͵ χωρεῖ τοῖς ἐφ΄ ἑκάτερα τοῦ τείχους μέρεσι͵ καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ ἠρέμα πως ὀλισθῆσαν ζάλης ἁπάσης ἐκτὸς τὸν τοιοῦτον ὅρμον διατηρεῖ.

4.5 ὁ δὲ δὴ κόλπος ἐκ τῆς μεγάλης θαλάσσης ἀποτμηθεὶς διά τινος αὐχένος͵ ἀγκῶνος δίκην προβεβλημένου καὶ ἐπὶ μήκιστον τοῖς ὕδασι διικνουμένου͵ ὃν οἱ κατὰ χώρας Ἔκβολον ὀνομάζουσι διὰ τὸ πόρρω που τοῖς ὕδασιν ἐκβεβλῆσθαι͵ στενούμενός τε πρὸς τὴν ἑτέραν ἐξ ἐναντίας χέρσον τῇ τοῦ αὐχένος τούτου καινοτομίᾳ͵ ἕτερος λιμὴν πελάγιος γίνεται·

4.6 ἐξ οὗ δήπερ ἀγκῶνος μέχρις αὐτοῦ τοῦ τείχους τῆς πόλεως κύκλον πανευπρεπῆ τὸ ὕδωρ μιμεῖται͵ τοῖς ἐφ΄ ἑκάτερα μέρεσιν ἐπὶ πολὺ ἐκτεινόμενον καὶ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν κατὰ βραχὺ συστελλόμενον.

4.7 καὶ ἀφορᾷ μὲν ὁ κόλπος ἐκ νότου τὴν λοιπὴν θάλασσαν͵ ἀφορᾷ δὲ τοῦτον ὁμοίως ὁ λιμὴν καὶ τὸν λιμένα ἡ πόλις.

4.8 ἀλλ΄ ὁ μὲν λιμὴν τέτρασι γωνίαις ἐμπεριείληπται͵ ὁ δὲ κόλπος ἐστὶ περιφερής͵ τὸ κύτος ἔχων διὰ πλείστου βάθους χωροῦν͵ τὰ πέρατα δὲ καὶ πρὸ πολλοῦ τῆς χέρσου τὰ πολλὰ τῶν ὑδάτων συστείλαντα.

5.1 Ἀλλ΄ ἐν τούτοις τὸ κατὰ νότον μέρος τῆς πόλεως͵ τὸ πρὸς βορρᾶν δὲ ὡς λίαν τραχὺ καὶ δύσβατον

5.2 ὀλίγον μέρος καὶ αὐτῆς τῆς πόλεως τῆς λοιπῆς ὑπεραῖρον[4] γῆς͵ ὡς τὸ μὲν αὐτῆς πεδιάσιμον εἶναι καὶ ταῖς χρείαις τῶν ἐνοικούντων κατάλληλον͵ τὸ δὲ τοῖς βουνοῖς καὶ ταῖς τῶν ὀρῶν ἀκρότησιν ἀνατείνεσθαι.

5.3 ἀλλ΄ οὐδὲν ἀδικεῖ τὴν πόλιν ἡ τοῦ ὄρους παράτασις ὡς ἐμπαρέχειν ἄδειαν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀφ΄ ὕψους ἐπεμβαίνειν καὶ τοῦ τείχους κατεπαμύνεσθαι· ἔδωκε γὰρ ὀλίγην τινὰ σχολὴν ὁ βουνὸς ἐκεῖσε πρὸς τὸ

φυλάττεσθαι πᾶσαν ἐπιβουλήν͵ τῷ διὰ μέσου χώρῳ τὴν εὐχερῆ προσβολὴν ἀποκρούσας.

5.4 τὸ δ΄ ἐντεῦθεν ἀνατείνεται μέχρι πολλοῦ τὸ ὄρος καὶ ὑπερίδρυται͵ τοῖς λόφοις καὶ ταῖς χαράδραις ἐντραχυνόμενον͵ τὴν μεσαιτάτην ἀνατολὴν ἀφορῶν͵ ἀλλ΄ ὅσον διήκει τὴν πρὸς ἀνατολὴν ἐπειγόμενον͵ τοσοῦτον τὰ ἐκ πλαγίου ἐφ΄ ἑκατέρου μέρους ὑποκείμενα διαφεύγει τῆς γῆς.

5.5 ἐν γὰρ ταῖς δυσὶ πλευραῖς τοῦδε τοῦ ὄρους͵ τοῦ τε πρὸς νότον φημὶ καὶ τοῦ πρὸς βορρᾶν͵ πεδία ὑφήπλωται βάσιμά τε καὶ χρήσιμα͵ πᾶσαν ἀφορμὴν εὐζωΐας τοῖς πολίταις δωρούμενα·

5.6 ὧν τὸ μὲν ὡς πρὸς νότον τοῦ ὄρους͵ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν δὲ τῆς πόλεως͵ ὡς λίαν ἐστὶ παγκαλλὲς καὶ ἐράσμιον.

5.7 κεκόσμηται γὰρ δένδρεσιν ἀμφιλαφέσι͵[5] παραδείσοις ποικίλοις͵ ὕδασιν ἀπείροις͵ τοῖς μὲν πηγαίοις͵ τοῖς δὲ ποταμίοις͵ οἷς αἱ λόχμαι[6] τοῦ ὄρους τῷ πεδίῳ χαρίζονται καὶ αὐτὴν δὲ δεξιοῦνται τὴν θάλασσαν.

5.8 ἄμπελοι γὰρ ἀλλήλαις παραπεφυτευμέναι τὰ χωρία στεφανοῦσι καὶ τὸν φιλόκαλον ὀφθαλμὸν τῇ πληθύϊ τῶν καρπῶν εἰς εὐφροσύνην προτρέπονται· 

5.9 μοναὶ δὲ μοναχῶν πολλαὶ καὶ συχναὶ τό τε ὑπτιάζον τοῦ ὄρους καὶ τὸ τῆς λοιπῆς γῆς ὑποκείμενον κατοικοῦσαι͵ καί τισι τερπνοτάτοις χωρίοις ἐγκαθεζόμεναι͵ καινόν τι χρῆμα τοῖς τε ὁδίταις καὶ αὐτοῖς τοῖς πολίταις πεφύκασι.

5.10 τὸ δὲ κατὰ λαιὰν πλευρὰν τοῦ ὄρους πεδίον ἐστὶ καὶ αὐτὸ τεταμένον εἰς μῆκος πολύ͵ εὐρύνεται δὲ μέχρις ἄλλων ὀρέων· οὗτινος ἐν μέσῳ πελαγίζονται δύο τινὲς εὐρεῖαι λίμναι͵ τὸ πλεῖστον τούτου διακατέχουσαι καί τινα μεγάλην καὶ αὖται συνεισφέρουσαι χρείαν.

5.11 τρέφουσι γὰρ ἰχθύας καὶ μικροὺς καὶ μεγάλους͵ καὶ τοῖς εἴδεσι διαφόρους καὶ πολλοὺς τῷ πλήθει͵ ταῖς τε γείτοσι κώμαις καὶ αὐτῇ δὲ τῇ πόλει δαψιλεστάτην ἀποπληροῦντας τράπεζαν.

5.12 καὶ γὰρ οἷον φιλονεικοῦσιν αἱ λίμναι ταῖς τούτων ἐπιδόσεσι πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν͵ καὶ ἁμιλλῶνται τίς αὐτῶν τὸ πλεῖον παράσχηται.

5.13 πλὴν ἑκάτεραι νικῶνται ἐξ ἑκατέρων͵ καὶ ἡ νικῶσα οὐκ ἔχει τίνι τὴν ἧτταν καταψηφίσεται.

5.14 τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν τοῦ πεδίου ἀνεῖται τοῖς γεωργοῖς͵ παραχωρεῖται τοῖς ζῴοις͵ τοῖς τε πειθομένοις ταῖς τῶν ἀνθρώπων τέχναις καὶ τοῖς ἐλεύθερον ἀφιεῖσι τὸ ἴχνος τοῖς ὄρεσιν.

5.15 ἔλαφοι γὰρ τὰ ὄρη λιποῦσαι καὶ ταῖς λίμναις ὥσπερ τῶν ὑδάτων ἐπιτερ πόμεναι ὁμοῦ τε ἔχουσιν ἄφθονον τὸ ποτόν͵ καὶ ταῖς βουσὶν ἐν αὐτῷ συναγελαζόμεναι κοινὰ τὰ σῖτα προσφέρονται.

6.1 Ἀλλ΄ ἱκανῶς ἐν τούτοις τά τε πρὸς ἀνατολὴν καὶ βορρᾶν τῆς πόλεως͵ ἔτι γε μὴν καὶ τὰ πρὸς νότον διαγραψάμενοι τὴν πρὸς δύσιν αὐτῆς τοῦ χώρου θέσιν κατὰ τὸ δυνατὸν ἱστορήσωμεν

6.6 ἐμπεριέχει δὲ τῷ διὰ μέσου χώρῳ τὸ πεδίον τοῦτο καὶ ἀμφιμίκτους τινὰς κώμας͵ ὧν αἱ μὲν πρὸς τῇ πόλει τελοῦσι͵ Δρουγουβῖταί τινες καὶ Σαγουδάτοι τὴν κλῆσιν ὀνομαζόμενοι͵ αἱ δὲ τῷ συνομοροῦντι τῶν Σκυθῶν ἔθνει οὐ μακρὰν ὄντι τοὺς φόρους ἀποδιδόασιν.

6.7 πλὴν γειτνιάζουσιν ἀλλήλαις αἱ κῶμαι τὴν οἴκησιν͵ καὶ ἔστι καὶ τοῦτο πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις Θεσσαλονικεῦσιν οὐ μικρῶς συμβαλλόμενον͵ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς Σκύθας διὰ τῶν ἐμπορικῶν μεθόδων συναναμίγνυσθαι͵ καὶ μάλισθ΄ ὅταν ἔχωσι πρὸς ἀλλήλους καλῶς καὶ μὴ κινῶσιν ὅπλα τὴν μάχην ἐξαγριαίνοντα· ὃ δὴ καὶ πολλῷ τινι τῷ πάλαι χρόνῳ παρ΄ ἑκα τέρων μελετηθέν͵ κοινότητα ζωῆς τὰς χρείας ἀλλήλοις ἀμείβουσι͵ θαυ μασίαν τινὰ καὶ βαθεῖαν εἰρήνην ἐν ἑαυτοῖς συντηρούμενοι.

6.8 ποταμοὶ δέ τινες παμμεγέθεις ἐκ τῆς Σκυθῶν ἐξορμώμενοι καὶ τὸ προλεχθὲν πεδίον καθ΄ ἑαυτοὺς διελόμενοι πολλὴν δαψίλειαν καὶ αὐτοὶ τῇ πόλει παρέχονται ταῖς τε χορηγίαις ταῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ἰχθύων καὶ ταῖς δι΄ αὐτῶν ἀπὸ τῆς θαλάσσης τῶν νηῶν ἀναδρομαῖς͵ δι΄ ὧν ἐπινοεῖται ποικίλη τις πρόσοδος τῶν χρειῶν τῶν ὑδάτων ἐκείνων συγκαταρρέουσα.

7.1 Ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἔλαθον ἐμαυτὸν μακρόν͵ ἢ ὡς ἀπ΄ ἀρχῆς ὑπεσχόμην͵ τὸν περὶ τούτων παρατείνας λόγον.

7.2 πεποίηκε δὲ τοῦτο ὁ περὶ τὴν πατρίδα πόθος͵ ἡδέως τῇ τε μνήμῃ συνεφελκόμενος͵ καὶ ταῖς ἀνα τυπώσεσιν οἷον δοκῶν συνεῖναι τοῖς λεγομένοις͵ καὶ τὸ πρόθυμον καὶ ζητητικὸν τῆς σῆς φιλομαθοῦς ἀκοῆς͵ ἣν ἐξ ἀρχῆς παραθέσθαι πᾶσαν ἡμῖν καθυπέσχου͵ μηδενὸς ἄλλου περισπῶντος αὐτὴν ἢ τοῦδε τοῦ διηγήματος ὑποσύροντος.

7.3 ταῦτα δὲ οὕτως ἔχει. φιλοῦσι γὰρ ἀεὶ τὰ ποθούμενα τῶν πραγμάτων ἀνάγκης δεσμοῖς καὶ τὸν λέγοντα περὶ αὐτῶν κατέχειν καὶ τὸν ἀκούοντα· καὶ οὐκ ἂν οὕτως εὐχερῶς καὶ ῥᾳδίως οὔτε ὄψις τῶν ἡδίστων θεαμάτων οὔτε ἀκοὴ τῶν τερπνῶν ἀποστήσεται ἀκουσμάτων͵ οὔτε λόγος ἡδὺς τῆς ὁρμῆς ἀνακοπήσεται͵ μέχρις ἂν φθάσῃ τὸ πέρας πρὸς ὃ κατ΄ ἀρχὰς ἐπείγεται.

7.4 πλὴν εἰ δοκεῖ͵ καὶ πάλιν ἀναδράμωμεν πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐκείνην τὴν πόλιν· μέχρι γὰρ τίνος ὡς ἐν κατόπτρῳ τὸν ἀνδριάντα διαμορφοῦμεν͵ καὶ ταῖς ἔξωθεν τῶν χρωμάτων ποικιλίαις ἀπεικονίζειν πειρώμεθα τὸ ἀρχέτυπον͵ ἐξὸν αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις ἐντυχεῖν διὰ τῶν καιρίων διηγημάτων τοῖς πράγμασιν͵ ὡς ἂν γνωριμώτερον εἴη τὸ ἀμυδρῶς πως παραδηλούμενον;

7.5 Θεσσαλονίκην γάρ͵ ὁποία τυγχάνει͵ τῷ λόγῳ διαγράψαι καθ΄ ὅσον οἷόν τε κατ΄ ἀρχὰς ὑποσχόμενοι͵ καὶ τίς οὖσα πρότερον εἰς τί κεχώρηκεν ὕστερον͵ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὴν ὥσπερ ὑποκλαπέντες͵ καὶ τοῖς ἔξωθεν͵ ὡς ἂν εἴποι τις͵ μέχρι τοῦδε σχολάσαντες διηγήμασι͵ κινδυνεύομεν βραδύνοντες τὴν τῶν καιρίων ἐξήγησιν

7.6 χρεὼν οὖν ἐστι καὶ πάλιν πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐπανιέναι τῷ λόγῳ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον περὶ αὐτὴν καταμαθεῖν κάλλος͵ εἶθ΄ οὕτω γε τοῦ πάθους ἐξειπεῖν ἐν ὑστέρῳ τὸ μέγεθος͵ ἵνα ὅσον φανείη τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων ἀσυγκρίτως ὑπερτερεύουσα͵ τοσοῦτον ἀξία κριθείη παρὰ πασῶν θρηνεῖσθαι καὶ κατοικτίζεσθαι.

8.1 Εἴπομεν ὡς εὐρεῖά τίς ἐστι καὶ μεγάλη ἡ πόλις καὶ τῷ περιέχοντι πολὺν τὸν διὰ μέσου χῶρον ἐναποκλείσασα.

8.2 ἀλλ΄ ὅσον μὲν τοῦ τείχους τὴν χέρσον ἀποσκοπεῖ͵ ἐρυμνότατόν τέ ἐστι καὶ τῷ πάχει τῆς οἰκοδομῆς κατωχυρωμένον͵ τῷ ἔξωθέν τε προτειχίσματι τὸ ἀσφαλὲς πάντοθεν συντηροῦν͵ προβόλοις καὶ ἐπάλξεσιν ἅπαν καταπεπυκνωμένον͵ καὶ μηδεμίαν ἀνάγκην φόβου τοῖς οἰκήτορσι παρεχόμενον. 

8.3 τὸ δὲ πρὸς νότον αὐτοῦ χθαμαλόν τέ ἐστι παντελῶς καὶ πρὸς πόλεμον ἀπαράσκευον· οἶμαι γὰρ τῷ μηδεμίαν ὑφορᾶσθαι προσβολὴν βλάβης ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς θάλασσαν ὁ τεχνίτης πάλαι τῆς οἰκοδομῆς κατημέλησε.

8.4 φέρεται δέ τις καὶ παλαιὸς λόγος μέχρις ἡμῶν φθάσας͵ ὡς ἀτείχιστος ἦν ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ μέρους ἡ πόλις χρόνους πολλούς͵ εἰ μὴ τῷ δέει ποτὲ τοῦ Μήδων Ξέρξου͵ πλωτὴν γῆν τεκτηναμένου καὶ κατὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος στρατοπεδεύσαντος καὶ πολλῶν νηῶν πληθὺν ἐπιφερομένου͵ ὁ τῶν Ρωμαίων τὰ σκῆπτρα κατ΄ ἐκείνους τοὺς καιροὺς ἰθύνων μικρόν τινα καὶ ὡς ἐκ τοῦ παρατυχόντος φραγμὸν τῷ τῇδε περιέθηκε μέρει.

8.5 ἀφ΄ οὗ δὴ χρόνου καὶ μέχρι τοῦ δεῦρο τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο διαμεμένηκεν͵ οὐδέποτε τῆς ἐκεῖθεν βλάβης͵ ὡς ᾤετο͵ κἂν ἐν ὑπονοίᾳ τισὶν ἐσομένης.

8.6 εἰ γὰρ καὶ πολλοὺς πολλάκις ἀνέτλη πολέμους καὶ λίαν σφοδροτάτους ἡ πόλις͵ τούς τε ἐκ τῶν βαρβά ρων καὶ αὐτῶν δὲ τῶν συνομορούντων Σκυθῶν͵ πᾶν εἶδος ἀμυντηρίων κατ΄ αὐτῆς ἐπινοουμένων καὶ ψάμμου δίκην τῷ πλήθει τῆς στρατιᾶς εἰσρεόντων καὶ μηδὲν ὑποφέρειν τὴν ἀπειλὴν αὐτῶν φιλονεικούντων (καὶ γὰρ ὡς ἀληθῶς ἦσαν ἀκάθεκτοι ταῖς ὁρμαῖς καὶ ποικίλῃ τινὶ πανοπλίᾳ πεφραγμένοι)͵ 

8.7 ἀλλ΄ ἦν ἄρα περίγειος ὥσπερ ἡ μάχη καὶ διέφευγε τὰς ἐπιβουλὰς τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ τοῦ τείχους τὴν ἔφοδον ὑπεκκλίνασα καὶ τῷ συνήθως αὐτῇ καὶ θερμῶς ὑπερμαχοῦντι͵ λέγω δὴ τῷ πανενδόξῳ μάρτυρι Δημητρίῳ͵ τὴν ἑαυτῆς σωτηρίαν καταπιστεύουσα.

8.8 ἐκ πολλῶν γὰρ αὐτὴν κινδύνων ὁ σωσίπατρις οὗτος ἐρρύσατο καὶ τὸ νικᾶν αὐτῇ καὶ μήπω τοῦ πολέμου πειραθείσῃ πολλάκις συμπαθῶς ἐδωρήσατο.

8.9 ἀλλὰ ταῦτα ταῖς τῶν θαυμάτων αὐτοῦ βίβλοις ἐξηγεῖσθαι παραχωρήσαντες τοῖς ἑξῆς ἡμεῖς τῶν ἤδη λεχθέντων προΐωμεν.

9.1 ῏Ην οὖν ταῖς ῥηθείσαις αἰτίαις ἀνωτέρα κινδύνου παντὸς ἡ πόλις.

9.2 ἐξ ὅτου γὰρ ἡ κολυμβήθρα τοῦ θείου βαπτίσματος τὸ τῶν Σκυθῶν ἔθνος τῷ χριστωνύμῳ λαῷ συνεμόρφωσε καὶ τὸ τῆς εὐσεβείας γάλα κοινῶς ἀμφοτέροις διείλετο͵ πέπαυτο μὲν ἡ τῶν πολέμων στάσις͵ ἀνεῖτο δὲ τῆς ἐνεργείας ἡ τὰς σφαγὰς ἐπιτηδεύουσα μάχαιρα͵ καὶ τὰ προλεχθέντα τῷ μεγαλοφωνοτάτῳ τῶν προφητῶν Ἠσαΐᾳ ἐναργῶς ἐφ΄ ἡμῖν ἐπληροῦτο·

9.3 αἱ μάχαιραι γὰρ ἡμῶν μετῆλθον εἰς δρέπανα καὶ αἱ ζιβύνες [7] εἰς ἄροτρα͵ καὶ πόλεμος ἦν οὐδαμοῦ͵ καὶ τὴν περίχωρον ἅπασαν εἰρήνη κατεπρυτάνευε͵ καὶ οὐδεμία ἦν εὐζωΐας ἀφορμὴ ἧς οὐκ εἰς κόρον ἡμεῖς ἀπελαύομεν͵ ἔνθεν αἱ τῆς γεωργίας ἀφθονίαι͵ ἐκεῖθεν αἱ τῆς ἐμπορίας χορηγίαι

9.4 γῆ γὰρ καὶ θάλασσα λειτουργεῖν ἡμῖν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ταχθεῖσαι πλουσίαν καὶ ἀδάπανον τὴν περὶ ἕκαστον ἐδωροφόρουν. ὧν γὰρ ἦν ἐνδεῶς ἢ καὶ ἀνεπιτηδείως ἔχουσα πρὸς καρπογονίαν ἡ γῆ͵ τούτων παρ΄ ἑαυτῆς ἡ θάλασσα τὴν κτῆσιν μηχανωμένη καὶ ταῖς ὁλκάσι συνεισκομίζουσα ἀνενδεὲς τὸ λεῖπον ἐδίδου τοῖς χρῄζουσι.

9.5 τί δὲ τῶν ἁπανταχόθεν ἐπιδημούντων εἴποιμι πρῶτον͵ καὶ μάλιστα οἷς ἐφιλοτιμοῦντο τοὺς πολί τας ἡμᾶς͵ τὰ παρ΄ ἑαυτῶν διδόντες καὶ τὰ παρ΄ ἡμῶν ἀντιλαμβάνοντες;

9.6 λεωφόρου γὰρ δημοσίας τῆς πρὸς ἀνατολὴν ἀγούσης ἀπὸ τῆς δύσεως διὰ μέσου τῆσδε χωρούσης τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἀναγκαίως πειθούσης τοὺς παροδεύοντας πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἐνδιατρίβειν καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὴν χρείαν πορίζεσθαι͵ πᾶν ὁτιοῦν ἂν εἴποι τις τῶν καλῶν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐκαρπούμεθά τε καὶ προσ εκτώμεθα.

9.7 ἔνθεν καὶ παμμιγής τις ὄχλος ἀεὶ περιεστοίχει τὰς ἀγυιὰς τῶν τε αὐτοχθόνων καὶ τῶν ἄλλως ἐπιξενουμένων͵ ὡς εὐχερέστερον εἶναι ψάμμον παράλιον ἐξαριθμεῖν ἢ τοὺς τὴν ἀγορὰν διοδεύοντας καὶ τῶν συναλλαγμάτων ποιουμένους τὴν μέθοδον.

9.8 ἐντεῦθεν χρυσίου καὶ ἀργυρίου καὶ λίθων τιμίων παμπληθεῖς θησαυροὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐγίνοντο͵ καὶ τὰ ἐκ Σηρῶν ὑφάσματα ὡς τὰ ἐξ ἐρίων τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπινενόητο.

9.9 περὶ γὰρ τῶν ἄλλων ὑλῶν͵ χαλκοῦ καὶ σιδήρου κασσιτέρου τε καὶ μολύβδου καὶ ὑέλου͵ οἷς αἱ διὰ πυρὸς τέχναι τὸν βίον συνέχουσι͵ καὶ μνησθῆναι μόνον παρέλκον ἡγοῦμαι͵ τοσούτων ὄντων ὡς ἄλλην τινὰ δύνασθαι πόλιν δι΄ αὐτῶν δομεῖσθαί τε καὶ ἀπαρτίζεσθαι. 

11.1 Ναοὶ γάρ τινες παμμεγέθεις καὶ περικαλλεῖς τῇ ποικίλῃ διακοσμήσει͵ διὰ μέσου προβεβλημένοι τῆς πόλεως ὥσπερ τινὰ κοινὰ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον ἐξιλαστήρια͵ καὶ τούτων μάλιστα ὁ τῆς παντουργοῦ καὶ θείας τοῦ ὑπερουσίου λόγου σοφίας οἶκος͵ καὶ ὁ τῆς ἀειπαρθένου πανάγνου καὶ θεομήτορος͵ ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ὁ τοῦ προλεχθέντος πανενδόξου καὶ καλλινίκου μάρτυρος Δημητρίου͵ ἔνθα τοὺς θείους ἄθλους διήνυσε καὶ τὸ βραβεῖον τῆς νίκης ἐδέξατο͵ οἱ καὶ τὸν ἅπαντα δῆμον ταῖς κατὰ περίοδον ἐπανιού σαις τῶν ἑορτῶν ἡμέραις ἐν ἑαυτοῖς ἐκκλησιάζοντες͵ ἀνεκλάλητον εὐφροσύνην καὶ πνευματικὴν χαρμονὴν τοῖς συνιοῦσιν ἐβράβευον.

11.2 ἐκεκλήρωντο γὰρ ἐν ἑκάστῳ τούτων τάγματα ἱερέων͵ δι΄ ὧν ἡ μυστικὴ τελεῖται λατρεία͵ καὶ ἀναγνωστῶν συστήματα͵ δι΄ ὧν ἡ τῶν ᾀσμάτων σπουδάζεται ὑμνῳδία͵ ἀμοιβαδὸν τοὺς στίχους ἀλαλάζοντες͵ καὶ ταῖς χειρονομίαις τῶν μελῶν τὸν φθόγγον διατιθέντες͵ καὶ μεγάλην τινὰ καὶ ἀξιοθέατον χορείαν συνιστῶντες͵ τῷ τε εἴδει τῆς ἀστραπτούσης στολῆς τὰς τῶν ὁρώντων θέλγοντες ὄψεις͵ καὶ τῇ τεχνωμένῃ τῶν ψαλμῶν λύρᾳ τὴν ἀκοὴν κατατέρποντες. 

14.3 πρῶτον μὲν τὴν ἤδη λεχθεῖσαν γείτονα πόλιν͵ τὴν Βέρροιαν λέγω͵ ἐπι κατασεισθῆναι πεποίηκε τοῖς περιοίκοις ὡς πολλοὺς τῶν ἐκεῖσε συλλη φθέντων ἐξαναλῶσαι͵ τί διοικούμενος ἐκ τούτου;

14.4 ἵν΄ ἡμεῖς πάντας τῶν ἑτέροις ἀπειλουμένων τὴν αἴσθησιν λαβόντες͵ τῶν ἰδίων κακῶν ἀποχὴν κἂν ὀψὲ γοῦν ποιησώμεθα καὶ πρὸς ἀρετὴν τὰς πράξεις ἰθύνωμεν.

14.5 εἶτα ἐπειδὴ τούτου γενομένου οὐκ ἐνεδώκαμεν τῆς κρατούσης ἐν ἡμῖν παλαιᾶς συνηθείας͵ ἐφ΄ ἕτερον εἶδος μηχανῆς μεταβαίνει͵ τὴν καὶ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς ἔσεσθαι μέλλουσαν ἀμεταμέλητα πράττουσι συμφορὰν ἐν ἄλλοις προϋπο δείξας.

14.6 Δημητριὰς γὰρ οὕτω καλουμένη τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἑτέρα πόλις͵ οὐ μακρὰν ἡμῶν ἀπῳκισμένη͵ πολλῷ πλήθει τῶν οἰκητόρων καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις οἷς μέγα καυχῶνται πόλεις τῶν ἔγγιστα ὑπεραιρομένη͵ οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ τῆς ἡμῶν ἁλώσεως ἔργον ἐγένετο τῶν βαρβάρων. 

22.3 κατειληφότες γὰρ τὸν προλεχθέντα πανευπρεπέστατον οἶκον τοῦ πανεν δόξου μάρτυρος Δημητρίου͵ ὅσοι τε τὴν πόλιν οἰκοῦμεν καὶ ὅσοι ἐξ ἀλλοδαπῆς ἦσαν ἐπήλυδες͵ ἀξία πᾶσα καὶ ἡλικία͵ καὶ θρηνώδεις χοροὺς συστησάμενοι ἐπεβοῶμεν τῷ μάρτυρι προστάτην ἡμῖν γενέσθαι κατὰ τῆς προσδοκωμένης ἀπειλῆς τῶν βαρβάρων͵

22.4 ἔδειξας λέγοντες͵ ὦ γενναῖε μάρτυς͵ τὸ θερμὸν τῆς σῆς ἀντιλήψεως ἐν πολλοῖς κινδύνοις πολλάκις ἐπελθοῦσι τῇ πόλει σου͵ καὶ πᾶσαν ἐναντίων ἐπιβουλὴν διεσκέδασας͵ καὶ ὀλέθρου παντὸς ἀπείρατον αὐτὴν διετήρησας.

38.3 οὐδ΄ εὐσχημονεῖν ἔτι βουλόμεναι νικηθεῖσαι τῷ πάθει͵ οὐδὲ τῆς ὄψεως τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἑαυτὰς ὑπεκκλίνειν͵ ἀλλ΄ ἀναιδῶς φερόμεναι͵ τὰς κόμας ἔχουσαι λελυμένας καὶ τῶν πρὸς συστολὴν ἀμελήσασαι͵ ἤγοντο συνεκβοῶσαι τοὺς θρήνους καὶ τοῦ κινδύνου καταστενάζουσαι.

Η συνθήκη του Βερολίνου το 1878 και τα εδαφικά κέρδη της Ελλάδος

Μετά τη νίκη της Ρωσίας επί της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας υπογράφηκε στις 19 Φεβρουαρίου/3 Μαρτίου 1878 η συνθήκη του Αγίου Στεφάνου, που αποτέλεσε μια από τις σημαντικότερες διπλωματικές επιτυχίες της Ρωσίας. Το κείμενο αυτό, που επέβαλε ταπεινωτικούς όρους στην Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία, δεν έκανε καθόλου λόγο για τα ζητήματα που ενδιέφεραν την Ελλάδα. Αντίθετα, ικανοποιούσε πλήρως τις βουλγαρικές απαιτήσεις, σε βάρος των ελληνικών συμφερόντων, με τη δημιουργία της «Μεγάλης Βουλγαρίας». 

Η αντίδραση των Μεγάλων Δυνάμεων υπήρξε άμεση. Η Αγγλία έκανε σαφές ότι οι όροι της συνθήκης ήταν ασυμβίβαστοι με τα συμφέροντά της, αφού μετέτρεπε τον Εύξεινο Πόντο σε ρωσική θάλασσα. Την ίδια στάση τήρησε και η Αυστροουγγαρία, η οποία την περίοδο αυτή επεδίωκε να διαδραματίσει ρυθμιστικό ρόλο στη βαλκανική χερσόνησο.

Έτσι μετά από διαπραγματεύσεις συνήλθε στο Βερολίνο συνέδριο, στις 13 Ιουνίου 1878, με αντιπροσώπους των έξι Μεγάλων Δυνάμεων (Αγγλίας, Αυστροουγγαρίας, Γαλλίας, Γερμανίας, Ιταλίας, Ρωσίας) και της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας. Η Ελλάδα αποκλείστηκε, αν και στο συνέδριο αυτό θα συζητούνταν ζητήματα ζωτικής σημασίας για τον Ελληνισμό. Στη συνέχεια, όταν κρίθηκε σκόπιμο, οι Δυνάμεις επέτρεψαν σε ελληνική αντιπροσωπεία, με επικεφαλής τον Θεόδωρο Δηλιγιάννη και τον Αλέξανδρο Ραγκαβή, να υποβάλουν τις ελληνικές αξιώσεις, οι οποίες αναφέρονταν στην Ήπειρο, στη Θεσσαλία και στην Κρήτη. Την Ελλάδα υποστήριξε ο Γάλλος αντιπρόσωπος. Τελικά, οι έξι Δυνάμεις αποδέχθηκαν την προσάρτηση της Θεσσαλίας και μέρους της Ηπείρου στην Ελλάδα, αλλά η απόφασή τους δεν συμπεριλήφθηκε στη συνθήκη, εξαιτίας της επίμονης άρνησης της Τουρκίας. Δεσμεύτηκαν όμως ότι, σε περίπτωση που δεν θα πραγματοποιούνταν τα προβλεπόμενα από τη συνθήκη μεταξύ Πύλης και Ελλάδας, θα προσέφεραν τη μεσολάβησή τους για διευκόλυνση των διαπραγματεύσεων. Το πρόβλημα τελικά λύθηκε μετά από μια τριετία, ύστερα από την άνοδο του Γλάδστωνα στην εξουσία της Αγγλίας (1880) και με επίπονες διαπραγματεύσεις, που κατέληξαν, με την υπογραφή της συμφωνίας της Κωνσταντινούπολης (τον Μάρτιο του 1881), στην προσάρτηση της Θεσσαλίας και της περιοχής της Άρτας. Έτσι ο πληθυσμός της Ελλάδας που το 1879 ήταν 1.700.000 κάτοικοι, αυξήθηκε κατά 300.000 περίπου κατοίκους.

Papyrus Gissensis 40

Το αρχαιοελληνικό κείμενο του διατάγματος του 212 από τον Καρακάλλα, το οποίο απονέμει το δικαίωμα του Ρωμαϊου Πολίτου σε όλους τους ελεύθερους κατοίκους της αυτοκρατορίας:

[Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ Μά]ρ̣κ̣ο̣ς̣ Α̣ὐρήλ̣ι̣[ος Σεουῆρος] Ἀ̣ντων̣ῖνο[ς] Ε̣[ὐσεβὴ]ς λέγει• | [ - ca. ? - ]η μᾶλλο̣ν̣ α̣ν̣[........ τὰ]ς αἰ̣τ̣ί̣α̣ς κ̣α̣ὶ̣ τ̣ο[ὺς] λ̣[ογι]σμ̣οὺ[ς] | [ - ca. ? - θ]εοῖς [τοῖ]ς ἀθ[αν]άτοις ε̣ὐχα̣ριστήσαιμι, ὅτι τῆ̣[ς] τ̣οιαύτη[ς] | [ - ca. ? - ]η̣σ̣με συ[νετ]ή̣ρησα̣ν. τοιγ[α]ροῦν ν̣ομ̣ίζω [ο]ὕτω με | [ - ca. ? - ]ω̣ς δύ[ν]α̣σθαι τ̣ῇ μεγαλ̣ειό̣τητι αὐτῶ̣ν τὸ ἱκ̣αν̣ὸν ποι-|[εῖν - ca. ? - ὁσ]άκις ἐὰν ὑ̣[π]ε̣ι̣σέλθ[ωσ]ι̣ν εἰς τοὺς ἐ̣μ̣ο̣ὺ̣ς ἀν[θρ]ώπους | [ - ca. ? - ]ν̣ θεῶν συνε̣ι̣[σ]ενέγ[κοι]μ̣ι. δίδωμ̣ι τοῖς συνάπα-|[σιν - ca. ? - κατὰ τ]ὴ̣ν οἰκουμέν̣η̣ν π[ολιτ]είαν Ῥωμαίων, μ̣έ̣νοντος | [τοῦ δικαίου τῶν πολιτευμ]άτων̣, χωρ[ὶς] τῶν [..]δ̣ειτ̣ικίων. ὀ̣[φ]ε̣ίλει γὰρ τὸ | [ - ca. ? - ]ν̣ε̣ιν πάντα α̣[..]α ἤδη κ[α]ὶ τῇ νίκῃ ἐνπεριει-|[ληφ - ca. ? - ]α̣γμα̣ .[..]λώσει [τὴν] μεγαλειότητα [το]ῦ̣ Ῥωμα[ί]-|[ - ca. ? - ]. περὶ τοὺς .[....]υς γε̣γεν̣ῆσ̣θα[ι] ᾗπερ δ[ - ca. ? - ] | [ - ca. ? - ].αλειφ[ - ca. 10 - ]ω̣ν τῶ[ν ἑ]κάστης | [ - ca. ? - ]ητω[ - ca. 10 - ]..[.]ο̣ς̣[ - ca. ? - ] | [ - ca. ? - ]θη[ - ca. ? - ] | [ - ca. ? - ]ο̣λω[ - ca. ? - ] | [ - ca. ? - ]τ̣ο | [ - ca. ? - ]α̣ | [ - ca. ? - ]ν̣ελλη | [ - ca. ? - ]μω | [ - ca. ? - ]υ̣π̣ο̣ | [ - ca. ? - ]κυ | [ - ca. ? - ]ι̣ειη | [ - ca. ? - ]ο̣ιεσαν | [ - ca. ? - ]ε̣γδια | [ - ca. ? - ] | [ - ca. ? - ].ος

Η παραχώρηση του δικαιώματος του Ρωμαίου πολίτη σε όλους τους κατοίκους της Ρωμαϊκής Αυτοκρατορίας

Καρακάλλας: Ρωμαίος αυτοκράτορας. Γεννήθηκε στο Λούγδουνον της Γαλατίας (σημ. Λυών) το 186 μ.Χ. Ανέβηκε στον θρόνο το 211 μ.Χ. Άσκησε πολιτική πίεση στη Σύγκλητο και εφάρμοσε πολιτική φοβερής τρομοκρατίας. Το 212 μ.Χ. παραχώρησε με διάταγμά του (Constitutio Antoniniana) τη ρωμαϊκή ισοπολιτεία σε όλους τους ελεύθερους κατοίκους της Αυτοκρατορίας. Πολέμησε τα γερμανικά φύλα στον Ρήνο και τον Δούναβη, καθώς και τους Πάρθους στην Ανατολή. Δολοφονήθηκε στην Έδεσσα της Συρίας το 217 μ.Χ., κατά τη διάρκεια μίας ακόμη εκστρατείας κατά των Πάρθων.

Η σημαντικότερη πηγή μας για το κείμενο του Διατάγματος του Καρακάλλα (Constitutio Antoniniana), με το οποίο αποδιδόταν στον πληθυσμό της αυτοκρατορίας το δικαίωμα του Ρωμαίου πολίτη, είναι μία ελληνική μετάφραση του λατινικού πρωτοτύπου που σώζεται, δυστυχώς αποσπασματικά και με πολλά κενά, σε πάπυρο που βρέθηκε στην Αίγυπτο. Η ερμηνεία του κειμένου παρουσιάζει μεγάλες δυσκολίες, ενώ έχουν προταθεί διάφορες αποκαταστάσεις.

Η ελληνική μετάφραση του Διατάγματος του Καρακάλλα, όπως σώζεται στον Πάπυρο Giessen 40 και σύμφωνα με την επικρατέστερη αποκατάσταση του κειμένου. Νεοελληνική απόδοση.

"Ο αυτοκράτωρ Καίσαρ Μάρκος Αυρήλιος Σεβήρος Αντωνίνος Σεβαστός λέγει τα εξής: Επειδή πάντοτε πρέπει να έχουμε τον νου και τον λογισμό μας στραμμένο προς το θείο, θεωρώ και εγώ δίκαιο να θέλω να εκφράσω ευχαριστίες προς τους αθάνατους θεούς, που με διαφύλαξαν σώο από μία τέτοια επιβολή στρεφόμενη εναντίον μου. Έτσι, λοιπόν, πιστεύω ότι ο μόνος τρόπος να τους το ανταποδώσω, σε κλίμακα άξια της μεγαλοπρέπειας που ταιριάζει στους θεούς, είναι να προσκομίσω στη λατρεία τους τόσες μυριάδες πιστών, όσοι ενταχθούν στους υπηκόους μου ως Ρωμαίοι πολίτες. Παραχωρώ, λοιπόν, το δικαίωμα του Ρωμαίου πολίτη σε όλους γενικά τους μη πολίτες που κατοικούν στη Ρωμαϊκή Αυτοκρατορία, χωρίς να εξαιρείται κανείς από το σώμα των πολιτών, εκτός των δεδειτικίων. Ο λόγος είναι ότι ο λαός δεν οφείλει μόνο να υπομένει τα πάντα, αλλά να λαμβάνει μέρος και στη χαρά της νίκης. Το διάταγμά μου αυτό θα διατρανώσει τη μεγαλοσύνη του ρωμαϊκού λαού."

Οι απόψεις των ιστορικών διίστανται σχετικά με το πώς αποφασίσθηκε το Διάταγμα και ποιοι ήταν οι λόγοι της έκδοσής του. Πολλοί ερευνητές θεωρούν ότι αποτελεί φυσική κατάληξη μίας μακραίωνης διαδικασίας σταδιακής χορήγησης πολιτικών δικαιωμάτων σε διαφόρους λαούς της Ρωμαϊκής Αυτοκρατορίας και εκδόθηκε για να συμβάλει στην απλοποίηση και αφομοίωση των διαφόρων νομικών συστημάτων που εφαρμόζονταν στην επικράτεια των Ρωμαίων. Άλλοι βλέπουν στο διάταγμα την πραγμάτωση της πολιτικής ιδεολογίας της δυναστείας των Σεβήρων, όπως εκφράζεται σαφώς από τον Καρακάλλα στον πρόλογο του Διατάγματος. Αρκετοί μελετητές, πάλι, απορρίπτουν την εξήγηση αυτή, θεωρώντας ως απλό πρόσχημα το επιχείρημα του Καρακάλλα ότι θέλησε να προσφέρει νέους πιστούς στους θεούς της Ρώμης. Οι μελετητές αυτοί ακολουθούν την άποψη ενός ιστορικού σύγχρονου του Καρακάλλα, ο οποίος επέδιδε την έκδοση του Διατάγματος στη φιλοχρηματία του αυτοκράτορα.

Η άποψη του Έλληνα ιστορικού Κασσίου Δίωνος (3ος μ.Χ. αιώνας) για τους πραγματικούς λόγους έκδοσης του Διατάγματος του Καρακάλλα. Νεοελληνική απόδοση:

"Ο Αντωνίνος (Καρακάλλας) είχε και αυτό το φοβερό χαρακτηριστικό: του άρεσε να ξοδεύει χρήματα, όχι μόνο για τους στρατιώτες, αλλά και σε άλλες δραστηριότητες, έχοντας ως μοναδικό στόχο του να γδύσει, να λεηλατήσει και να εξαθλιώσει όλη την ανθρωπότητα, κυρίως τους συγκλητικούς. Κατ' αρχήν, απαιτούσε συνεχώς χρυσά στέμματα […] Απαιτούσε, επιπλέον, δώρα από πλούσιους ιδιώτες και από κράτη. Επίσης, αποκόμιζε χρήματα από τους φόρους, τόσο από τους νέους που είχε επιβάλει, όσο και από τον φόρο της δεκάτης (10%), τον οποίον είχε επιβάλει, αντί του φόρου της εικοστής (5%), επί της χειραφέτησης δούλων και των κληρονομιών και γενικά των δωρεών, διότι είχε καταργήσει, στις περιπτώσεις αυτές, το δικαίωμα φοροαπαλλαγής που ίσχυε για τους κληρονόμους συγγενείς πρώτου βαθμού των αποθανόντων. Έτσι εξηγείται και η εκ μέρους του απόδοση του δικαιώματος του Ρωμαίου πολίτη σε όλους τους κατοίκους του κράτους του. Θεωρητικά, η πράξη αυτή έγινε για να τους τιμήσει, αλλά ο πραγματικός σκοπός του ήταν να αυξήσει τα έσοδα από τη φορολογία, καθώς οι μη πολίτες δεν υποχρεούνταν να καταβάλλουν τους παραπάνω φόρους."

Το δικαίωμα του Ρωμαίου πολίτη δόθηκε σε όλους τους ελεύθερους κατοίκους της Αυτοκρατορίας. Εξαίρεση αποτελούσαν οι dediticii, για το καθεστώς και την προέλευση των οποίων δεν υπάρχει ομοφωνία στην έρευνα. Ορισμένοι ιστορικοί τους ταυτίζουν με μία παλαιότερη κατηγορία υπηκόων χωρίς πολιτικά δικαιώματα, οι οποίοι προέρχονταν από λαούς της Ιταλίας που είχαν παραδοθεί στη Ρώμη και στους οποίους εντάσσονταν και ορισμένοι απελευθερωμένοι δούλοι. Άλλοι μελετητές θεωρούν ότι με τον όρο dediticii δηλώνονταν βάρβαροι οι οποίοι είχαν παραδοθεί άνευ όρων στις ρωμαϊκές δυνάμεις, ενώ άλλοι πάλι τους ταυτίζουν με τους, εξαρτημένους άμεσα από το ρωμαϊκό κράτος, αυτόχθονες κατοίκους της Αιγύπτου και της Καππαδοκίας.

Παρόμοιες διαφωνίες υπάρχουν και στην ερμηνεία των αποτελεσμάτων και των επιπτώσεων του Διατάγματος του Καρακάλλα. Δύο είναι οι επικρατέστερες απόψεις. Η πρώτη υποστηρίζει ότι το Διάταγμα δεν επέφερε σημαντικές αλλαγές στη ρωμαϊκή κοινωνία, καθώς οι διαδικασίες για τον σταδιακό εκρωμαϊσμό της Αυτοκρατορίας είχαν ήδη ξεκινήσει πριν από αιώνες, με αποτέλεσμα οι διαφορές ανάμεσα στους Ρωμαίους πολίτες και τους κατοίκους που δεν είχαν το δικαίωμα του Ρωμαίου πολίτη να είναι πλέον ελάχιστες, ενώ η αριθμητική διαφορά των μη πολιτών από τους πολίτες ήταν πλέον μικρή. Επίσης, ελάχιστες είναι οι ενδείξεις για μία ριζική αλλαγή στο δίκαιο, όπου οι προσπάθειες για ενοποίηση των νομικών παραδόσεων των διαφόρων λαών της Αυτοκρατορίας άργησαν πολύ να υλοποιηθούν. Από την άλλη, η αντίθετη θεωρία υποστηρίξει ότι οι πρακτικές και ιδεολογικές επιπτώσεις του Διατάγματος ήταν κοσμογονικές, καθώς το μεγαλύτερο μέρος του πληθυσμού της Αυτοκρατορίας απέκτησε το δικαίωμα του Ρωμαίου πολίτη το 212 μ.Χ., με αποτέλεσμα την ευρύτατη συγχώνευση των κατά τόπους ισχυόντων κανόνων δικαίου και τη δημιουργία, στους υπηκόους της Αυτοκρατορίας, του αισθήματος ότι ανήκουν σε μία κοινή πατρίδα.

Publius ή Gaius Cornelius Tacitus: De Origine et situ Germanorum (Περί της καταγωγής και της καταστάσεως των Γερμανών)

Ο Publius ή Gaius Cornelius Tacitus ή Τάκιτος στα ελλληνικά, ήταν Ρωμαίος Ιστορικός συγγραφεύς που έζησε το δεύτερο μισό του 1ου μ.Χ αιώνος και τα πρώτα χρόνια του 2ου. Συνέγραψε δύο μεγάλα έργα:

1. Annales (Χρονικά)

2. Historiae (Ιστορία)

Εκτός αυτών έγραψε και μερικά δοκίμια όπως το De vita et moribus Iulii Agricolae (Περί της ζωής και του ήθους του Ιουλίου Αγρικόλα) και το De Origine et situ Germanorum (Περί της καταγωγής και της καταστάσεως των Γερμανών).

Ο Τάκιτος πραγματεύεται την ρωμαϊκή ιστορία από το 14 μ.Χ έως το 96 μ.Χ, ήτοι τον θάνατο του Οκταβιανού Αυγούστου και την ανάρρηση στον θρόνο του Τιβερίου έως τον θάνατο του Δομιτιανού της Δυναστείας των Φλαβίων. Ουσιαστικά μιλάμε για την ιστορία του 1ου μ.Χ αιώνος, όπου παγιώνεται η αυτοκρατορική εξουσία, παρά τις κατά καιρούς εμφανισθείσες ανωμαλίες (π.χ το 68 μ.Χ έτος των τεσσάρων αυτοκρατόρων).

Το απόσπασμα το οποίο θα παρατεθεί αφορά την αναφορά του Τάκιτου στην καταγωγή των Γερμανών. Το κείμενο είναι εις την αγγλικήν:

Tacitus “Germania”

The origins and the situation of the Germans

I

Germany as a whole is separated from the Galli, the Rhaeti, and Pannonii, by the rivers Rhine and Danube; mountain ranges, or the fear which each feels for the other, divide it from the Sarmatae and Daci. Elsewhere ocean girds it, embracing broad peninsulas and islands of unexplored extent, where certain tribes and kings are newly known to us, revealed by war. The Rhine springs from a precipitous and inaccessible height of the Rhaetian Alps, bends slightly westward, and mingles with the Northern Ocean. The Danube pours down from the gradual and gently rising slope of Mount Abnoba, and visits many nations, to force its way at last through six channels into the Pontus; a seventh mouth is lost in marshes. (Latin)

II

The Germans themselves I should regard as aboriginal, and not mixed at all with other races through immigration or intercourse. For, in former times, it was not by land but on shipboard that those who sought to emigrate would arrive; and the boundless and, so to speak, hostile ocean beyond us, is seldom entered by a sail from our world. And, beside the perils of rough and unknown seas, who would leave Asia, or Africa, or Italy for Germany, with its wild country, its inclement skies, its sullen manners and aspect, unless indeed it were his home? In their ancient songs, their only way of remembering or recording the past, they celebrate an earth-born god, Tuisco, and his son Mannus, as the origin of their race, as their founders. To Mannus they assign three sons, from whose names, they say, the coast tribes are called Ingaevones; those of the interior, Herminones; all the rest, Istaevones. Some, with the freedom of conjecture permitted by antiquity, assert that the god had several descendants, and the nation several appellations, as Marsi, Gambrivii,Suevi, Vandilii, and that these are genuine old names. The name Germany, on the other hand, they say, is modern and newly introduced, from the fact that the tribes which first crossed the Rhine and drove out the Gauls, and are now called Tungrians, were then called Germans. Thus what was the name of a tribe, and not of a race, gradually prevailed, till all called themselves by this self-invented name of Germans, which the conquerors had first employed to inspire terror. (Latin)

III

They say that Hercules, too, once visited them; and when going into battle, they sing of him first of all heroes. They have also those songs of theirs, by the recital of which ("baritus", they call it), they rouse their courage, while from the note they augur the result of the approaching conflict. For, as their line shouts, they inspire or feel alarm. It is not so much an articulate sound, as a general cry of valour. They aim chiefly at a harsh note and a confused roar, putting their shields to their mouth, so that, by reverberation, it may swell into a fuller and deeper sound. Ulysses, too, is believed by some, in his long legendary wanderings, to have found his way into this ocean, and, having visited German soil, to have founded and named the town of Asciburgium, which stands on the bank of the Rhine, and is to this day inhabited. They even say that an altar dedicated to Ulysses, with the addition of the name of his father, Laertes, was formerly discovered on this same spot, and that certain monuments and tombs, with Greek inscriptions, still exist on the borders of Germany and Rhaetia. These statements I have no intention of sustaining by proofs, or of refuting; every one may believe or disbelieve them as he feels inclined. (Latin)

IV

For my own part, I agree with those who think that the tribes of Germany are free from all taint of inter-marriages with foreign nations, and that they appear as a distinct, unmixed race, like none but themselves. Hence, too, the same physical peculiarities throughout so vast a population. All have fierce blue eyes, red hair, huge frames, fit only for a sudden exertion. They are less able to bear laborious work. Heat and thirst they cannot in the least endure; to cold and hunger their climate and their soil inure them. That is, until they met the Romans, whom they thought were very attractive. (Latin)

V

Their country, though somewhat various in appearance, yet generally either bristles with forests or reeks with swamps; it is more rainy on the side of Gaul, bleaker on that of Noricum and Pannonia. It is productive of grain, but unfavourable to fruit-bearing trees; it is rich in flocks and herds, but these are for the most part undersized, and even the cattle have not their usual beauty or noble head. It is number that is chiefly valued; they are in fact the most highly prized, indeed the only riches of the people. Silver and gold the gods have refused to them, whether in kindness or in anger I cannot say. I would not, however, affirm that no vein of German soil produces gold or silver, for who has ever made a search? They care but little to possess or use them. You may see among them vessels of silver, which have been presented to their envoys and chieftains, held as cheap as those of clay. The border population, however, value gold and silver for their commercial utility, and are familiar with, and show preference for, some of our coins. The tribes of the interior use the simpler and more ancient practice of the barter of commodities. They like the old and well-known money, coins milled or showing a two-horse chariot. They likewise prefer silver to gold, not from any special liking, but because a large number of silver pieces is more convenient for use among dealers in cheap and common articles. (Latin)

VI

Even iron is not plentiful with them, as we infer from the character of their weapons. But few use swords or long lances. They carry a spear (framea is their name for it), with a narrow and short head, but so sharp and easy to wield that the same weapon serves, according to circumstances, for close or distant conflict. As for the horse-soldier, he is satisfied with a shield and spear; the foot-soldiers also scatter showers of missiles, each man having several and hurling them to an immense distance, and being naked or lightly clad with a little cloak. There is no display about their equipment: their shields alone are marked with very choice colours. A few only have corslets, and just one or two here and there a metal or leathern helmet. Their horses are remarkable neither for beauty nor for fleetness. Nor are they taught various evolutions after our fashion, but are driven straight forward, or so as to make one wheel to the right in such a compact body that none is left behind another. On the whole, one would say that their chief strength is in their infantry, which fights along with the cavalry; admirably adapted to the action of the latter is the swiftness of certain foot-soldiers, who are picked from the entire youth of their country, and stationed in front of the line. Their number is fixed,—a hundred from each canton; and from this they take their name among their countrymen, so that what was originally a mere number has now become a title of distinction. Their line of battle is drawn up in a wedge-like formation. To give ground, provided you return to the attack, is considered prudence rather than cowardice. The bodies of their slain they carry off even in indecisive engagements. To abandon your shield is the basest of crimes; nor may a man thus disgraced be present at the sacred rites, or enter their council; many, indeed, after escaping from battle, have ended their infamy with the halter.(Latin)

VII

They choose their kings by birth, their generals for merit. These kings have not unlimited or arbitrary power, and the generals do more by example than by authority. If they are energetic, if they are conspicuous, if they fight in the front, they lead because they are admired. But to reprimand, to imprison, even to flog, is permitted to the priests alone, and that not as a punishment, or at the general's bidding, but, as it were, by the mandate of the god whom they believe to inspire the warrior. They also carry with them into battle certain figures and images taken from their sacred groves. And what most stimulates their courage is, that their squadrons or battalions, instead of being formed by chance or by a fortuitous gathering, are composed of families and clans. Close by them, too, are those dearest to them, so that they hear the shrieks of women, the cries of infants. They are to every man the most sacred witnesses of his bravery—they are his most generous applauders. The soldier brings his wounds to mother and wife, who shrink not from counting or even demanding them and who administer both food and encouragement to the combatants. (Latin)

VIII

Tradition says that armies already wavering and giving way have been rallied by women who, with earnest entreaties and bosoms laid bare, have vividly represented the horrors of captivity, which the Germans fear with such extreme dread on behalf of their women, that the strongest tie by which a state can be bound is the being required to give, among the number of hostages, maidens of noble birth. They even believe that the sex has a certain sanctity and prescience, and they do not despise their counsels, or make light of their answers. In Vespasian's days we saw Veleda, long regarded by many as a divinity. In former times, too, they venerated Aurinia, and many other women, but not with servile flatteries, or with sham deification. (Latin)

IX

Mercury is the deity whom they chiefly worship, and on certain days they deem it right to sacrifice to him even with human victims. Hercules and Mars they appease with more lawful offerings. Some of the Suevi also sacrifice to Isis. Of the occasion and origin of this foreign rite I have discovered nothing, but that the image, which is fashioned like a light galley, indicates an imported worship. The Germans, however, do not consider it consistent with the grandeur of celestial beings to confine the gods within walls, or to liken them to the form of any human countenance. They consecrate woods and groves, and they apply the names of deities to the abstraction which they see only in spiritual worship. (Latin)

X

Augury and divination by lot no people practise more diligently. The use of the lots is simple. A little bough is lopped off a fruit-bearing tree, and cut into small pieces; these are distinguished by certain marks, and thrown carelessly and at random over a white garment. In public questions the priest of the particular state, in private the father of the family, invokes the gods, and, with his eyes towards heaven, takes up each piece three times, and finds in them a meaning according to the mark previously impressed on them. If they prove unfavourable, there is no further consultation that day about the matter; if they sanction it, the confirmation of augury is still required. For they are also familiar with the practice of consulting the notes and the flight of birds. It is peculiar to this people to seek omens and monitions from horses. Kept at the public expense, in these same woods and groves, are white horses, pure from the taint of earthly labour; these are yoked to a sacred car, and accompanied by the priest and the king, or chief of the tribe, who note their neighings and snortings. No species of augury is more trusted, not only by the people and by the nobility, but also by the priests, who regard themselves as the ministers of the gods, and the horses as acquainted with their will. They have also another method of observing auspices, by which they seek to learn the result of an important war. Having taken, by whatever means, a prisoner from the tribe with whom they are at war, they pit him against a picked man of their own tribe, each combatant using the weapons of their country. The victory of the one or the other is accepted as an indication of the issue. (Latin)

XI

About minor matters the chiefs deliberate, about the more important the whole tribe. Yet even when the final decision rests with the people, the affair is always thoroughly discussed by the chiefs. They assemble, except in the case of a sudden emergency, on certain fixed days, either at new or at full moon; for this they consider the most auspicious season for the transaction of business. Instead of reckoning by days as we do, they reckon by nights, and in this manner fix both their ordinary and their legal appointments. Night they regard as bringing on day. Their freedom has this disadvantage, that they do not meet simultaneously or as they are bidden, but two or three days are wasted in the delays of assembling. When the multitude think proper, they sit down armed. Silence is proclaimed by the priests, who have on these occasions the right of keeping order. Then the king or the chief, according to age, birth, distinction in war, or eloquence, is heard, more because he has influence to persuade than because he has power to command. If his sentiments displease them, they reject them with murmurs; if they are satisfied, they brandish their spears. The most complimentary form of assent is to express approbation with their weapons. (Latin)

XII

In their councils an accusation may be preferred or a capital crime prosecuted. Penalties are distinguished according to the offence. Traitors and deserters are hanged on trees; the coward, the unwarlike, the man stained with abominable vices, is plunged into the mire of the morass, with a hurdle put over him. This distinction in punishment means that crime, they think, ought, in being punished, to be exposed, while infamy ought to be buried out of sight. Lighter offences, too, have penalties proportioned to them; he who is convicted, is fined in a certain number of horses or of cattle. Half of the fine is paid to the king or to the state, half to the person whose wrongs are avenged and to his relatives. In these same councils they also elect the chief magistrates, who administer law in the cantons and the towns. Each of these has a hundred associates chosen from the people, who support him with their advice and influence. (Latin)

XIII

They transact no public or private business without being armed. It is not, however, usual for anyone to wear arms till the state has recognised his power to use them. Then in the presence of the council one of the chiefs, or the young man's father, or some kinsman, equips him with a shield and a spear. These arms are what the toga is with us, the first honour with which youth is invested. Up to this time he is regarded as a member of a household, afterwards as a member of the commonwealth. Very noble birth or great services rendered by the father secure for lads the rank of a chief; such lads attach themselves to men of mature strength and of long approved valour. It is no shame to be seen among a chief's followers. Even in his escort there are gradations of rank, dependent on the choice of the man to whom they are attached. These followers vie keenly with each other as to who shall rank first with his chief, the chiefs as to who shall have the most numerous and the bravest followers. It is an honour as well as a source of strength to be thus always surrounded by a large body of picked youths; it is an ornament in peace and a defence in war. And not only in his own tribe but also in the neighbouring states it is the renown and glory of a chief to be distinguished for the number and valour of his followers, for such a man is courted by embassies, is honoured with presents, and the very prestige of his name often settles a war. (Latin)

XIV

When they go into battle, it is a disgrace for the chief to be surpassed in valour, a disgrace for his followers not to equal the valour of the chief. And it is an infamy and a reproach for life to have survived the chief, and returned from the field. To defend, to protect him, to ascribe one's own brave deeds to his renown, is the height of loyalty. The chief fights for victory; his vassals fight for their chief. If their native state sinks into the sloth of prolonged peace and repose, many of its noble youths voluntarily seek those tribes which are waging some war, both because inaction is odious to their race, and because they win renown more readily in the midst of peril, and cannot maintain a numerous following except by violence and war. Indeed, men look to the liberality of their chief for their war-horse and their blood-stained and victorious lance. Feasts and entertainments, which, though inelegant, are plentifully furnished, are their only pay. The means of this bounty come from war and rapine. Nor are they as easily persuaded to plough the earth and to wait for the year's produce as to challenge an enemy and earn the honour of wounds. Nay, they actually think it tame and stupid to acquire by the sweat of toil what they might win by their blood. (Latin)

XV

Whenever they are not fighting, they pass much of their time in the chase, and still more in idleness, giving themselves up to sleep and to feasting, the bravest and the most warlike doing nothing, and surrendering the management of the household, of the home, and of the land, to the women, the old men, and all the weakest members of the family. They themselves lie buried in sloth, a strange combination in their nature that the same men should be so fond of idleness, so averse to peace. It is the custom of the states to bestow by voluntary and individual contribution on the chiefs a present of cattle or of grain, which, while accepted as a compliment, supplies their wants. They are particularly delighted by gifts from neighbouring tribes, which are sent not only by individuals but also by the state, such as choice steeds, heavy armour, trappings, and neckchains. We have now taught them to accept money also. (Latin)

XVI

It is well known that the nations of Germany have no cities, and that they do not even tolerate closely contiguous dwellings. They live scattered and apart, just as a spring, a meadow, or a wood has attracted them. Their villages they do not arrange in our fashion, with the buildings connected and joined together, but every person surrounds his dwelling with an open space, either as a precaution against the disasters of fire, or because they do not know how to build. No use is made by them of stone or tile; they employ timber for all purposes, rude masses without ornament or attractiveness. Some parts of their buildings they stain more carefully with a clay so clear and bright that it resembles painting, or a coloured design. They are wont also to dig out subterranean caves, and pile on them great heaps of dung, as a shelter from winter and as a receptacle for the year's produce, for by such places they mitigate the rigour of the cold. And should an enemy approach, he lays waste the open country, while what is hidden and buried is either not known to exist, or else escapes him from the very fact that it has to be searched for. (Latin)

XVII

They all wrap themselves in a cloak which is fastened with a clasp, or, if this is not forthcoming, with a thorn, leaving the rest of their persons bare. They pass whole days on the hearth by the fire. The wealthiest are distinguished by a dress which is not flowing, like that of the Sarmatae and Parthi, but is tight, and exhibits each limb. They also wear the skins of wild beasts; the tribes on the Rhine and Danube in a careless fashion, those of the interior with more elegance, as not obtaining other clothing by commerce. These select certain animals, the hides of which they strip off and vary them with the spotted skins of beasts, the produce of the outer ocean, and of seas unknown to us. The women have the same dress as the men, except that they generally wrap themselves in linen garments, which they embroider with purple, and do not lengthen out the upper part of their clothing into sleeves. The upper and lower arm is thus bare, and the nearest part of the bosom is also exposed. (Latin)

XVIII

Their marriage code, however, is strict, and indeed no part of their manners is more praiseworthy. Almost alone among barbarians they are content with one wife, except a very few among them, and these not from sensuality, but because their noble birth procures for them many offers of alliance. The wife does not bring a dower to the husband but the husband to the wife. The parents and relatives are present, and pass judgment on the marriage-gifts, gifts not meant to suit a woman's taste, nor such as a bride would deck herself with, but oxen, a caparisoned steed, a shield, a lance, and a sword. With these presents the wife is espoused, and she herself in her turn brings her husband a gift of arms. This they count their strongest bond of union, these their sacred mysteries, these their gods of marriage. Lest the woman should think herself to stand apart from aspirations after noble deeds and from the perils of war, she is reminded by the ceremony which inaugurates marriage that she is her husband's partner in toil and danger, destined to suffer and to dare with him alike both in peace and in war. The yoked oxen, the harnessed steed, the gift of arms, proclaim this fact. She must live and die with the feeling that she is receiving what she must hand down to her children neither tarnished nor depreciated, what future daughters-in-law may receive, and may be so passed on to her grand-children. (Latin)

XIX

Thus with their virtue protected they live uncorrupted by the allurements of public shows or the stimulant of feastings. Clandestine correspondence is equally unknown to men and women. Very rare for so numerous a population is adultery, the punishment for which is prompt, and in the husband's power. Having cut off the hair of the adulteress and stripped her naked, he expels her from the house in the presence of her kinsfolk, and then flogs her through the whole village. The loss of chastity meets with no indulgence; neither beauty, youth, nor wealth will procure the culprit a husband. No one in Germany laughs at vice, nor do they call it the fashion to corrupt and to be corrupted. Still better is the condition of those states in which only maidens are given in marriage, and where the hopes and expectations of a bride are then finally terminated. They receive one husband, as having one body and one life, that they may have no thoughts beyond, no further-reaching desires, that they may love not so much the husband as the married state. To limit the number of their children or to destroy any of their subsequent offspring is accounted infamous, and good habits are here more effectual than good laws elsewhere. (Latin)

XX

In every household the children, naked and filthy, grow up with those stout frames and limbs which we so much admire. Every mother suckles her own offspring, and never entrusts it to servants and nurses. The master is not distinguished from the slave by being brought up with greater delicacy. Both live amid the same flocks and lie on the same ground till the freeborn are distinguished by age and recognised by merit. The young men marry late, and their vigour is thus unimpaired. Nor are the maidens hurried into marriage; the same age and a similar stature is required; well-matched and vigorous they wed, and the offspring reproduce the strength of the parents. Sister's sons are held in as much esteem by their uncles as by their fathers; indeed, some regard the relation as even more sacred and binding, and prefer it in receiving hostages, thinking thus to secure a stronger hold on the affections and a wider bond for the family. But every man's own children are his heirs and successors, and there are no wills. Should there be no issue, the next in succession to the property are his brothers and his uncles on either side. The more relatives he has, the more numerous his connections, the more honoured is his old age; nor are there any advantages in childlessness. (Latin)

XXI

It is a duty among them to adopt the feuds as well as the friendships of a father or a kinsman. These feuds are not implacable; even homicide is expiated by the payment of a certain number of cattle and of sheep, and the satisfaction is accepted by the entire family, greatly to the advantage of the state, since feuds are dangerous in proportion to a people's freedom. No nation indulges more profusely in entertainments and hospitality. To exclude any human being from their roof is thought impious; every German, according to his means, receives his guest with a well-furnished table. When his supplies are exhausted, he who was but now the host becomes the guide and companion to further hospitality, and without invitation they go to the next house. It matters not; they are entertained with like cordiality. No one distinguishes between an acquaintance and a stranger, as regards the rights of hospitality. It is usual to give the departing guest whatever he may ask for, and a present in return is asked with as little hesitation. They are greatly charmed with gifts, but they expect no return for what they give, nor feel any obligation for what they receive. (Latin)

XXII

On waking from sleep, which they generally prolong to a late hour of the day, they take a bath, oftenest of warm water, which suits a country where winter is the longest of the seasons. After their bath they take their meal, each having a separate seat and table of his own. Then they go armed to business, or no less often to their festal meetings. To pass an entire day and night in drinking disgraces no one. Their quarrels, as might be expected with intoxicated people, are seldom fought out with mere abuse, but commonly with wounds and bloodshed. Yet it is at their feasts that they generally consult on the reconciliation of enemies, on the forming of matrimonial alliances, on the choice of chiefs, finally even on peace and war, for they think that at no time is the mind more open to simplicity of purpose or more warmed to noble aspirations. A race without either natural or acquired cunning, they disclose their hidden thoughts in the freedom of the festivity. Thus the sentiments of all having been discovered and laid bare, the discussion is renewed on the following day, and from each occasion its own peculiar advantage is derived. They deliberate when they have no power to dissemble; they resolve when error is impossible. (Latin)

XXIII

A liquor for drinking is made out of barley or other grain, and fermented into a certain resemblance to wine. The dwellers on the river-bank also buy wine. Their food is of a simple kind, consisting of wild-fruit, fresh game, and curdled milk. They satisfy their hunger without elaborate preparation and without delicacies. In quenching their thirst they are not equally moderate. If you indulge their love of drinking by supplying them with as much as they desire, they will be overcome by their own vices as easily as by the arms of an enemy. (Latin)

XXIV

One and the same kind of spectacle is always exhibited at every gathering. Naked youths who practise the sport bound in the dance amid swords and lances that threaten their lives. Experience gives them skill, and skill again gives grace; profit or pay are out of the question; however reckless their pastime, its reward is the pleasure of the spectators. Strangely enough they make games of hazard a serious occupation even when sober, and so venturesome are they about gaining or losing, that, when every other resource has failed, on the last and final throw they stake the freedom of their own persons. The loser goes into voluntary slavery; though the younger and stronger, he suffers himself to be bound and sold. Such is their stubborn persistency in a bad practice; they themselves call it honour. Slaves of this kind the owners part with in the way of commerce, and also to relieve themselves from the scandal of such a victory. (Latin)

XXV

The other slaves are not employed after our manner with distinct domestic duties assigned to them, but each one has the management of a house and home of his own. The master requires from the slave a certain quantity of grain, of cattle, and of clothing, as he would from a tenant, and this is the limit of subjection. All other household functions are discharged by the wife and children. To strike a slave or to punish him with bonds or with hard labour is a rare occurrence. They often kill them, not in enforcing strict discipline, but on the impulse of passion, as they would an enemy, only it is done with impunity. The freedmen do not rank much above slaves, and are seldom of any weight in the family, never in the state, with the exception of those tribes which are ruled by kings. There indeed they rise above the freedborn and the noble; elsewhere the inferiority of the freedman marks the freedom of the state. (Latin)

XXVI

Of lending money on interest and increasing it by compound interest they know nothing,—a more effectual safeguard than if it were prohibited. Land proportioned to the number of inhabitants is occupied by the whole community in turn, and afterwards divided among them according to rank. A wide expanse of plains makes the partition easy. They till fresh fields every year, and they have still more land than enough; with the richness and extent of their soil, they do not laboriously exert themselves in planting orchards, inclosing meadows, and watering gardens. Corn is the only produce required from the earth; hence even the year itself is not divided by them into as many seasons as with us. Winter, spring, and summer have both a meaning and a name; the name and blessings of autumn are alike unknown. (Latin)

XXVII

In their funerals there is no pomp; they simply observe the custom of burning the bodies of illustrious men with certain kinds of wood. They do not heap garments or spices on the funeral pile. The arms of the dead man and in some cases his horse are consigned to the fire. A turf mound forms the tomb. Monuments with their lofty elaborate splendour they reject as oppressive to the dead. Tears and lamentations they soon dismiss; grief and sorrow but slowly. It is thought becoming for women to bewail, for men to remember, the dead. Such on the whole is the account which I have received of the origin and manners of the entire German people. I will now touch on the institutions and religious rites of the separate tribes, pointing out how far they differ, and also what nations have migrated from Germany into Gaul. (Latin)

XXVIII

That highest authority, the great Julius, informs us that Gaul was once more powerful than Germany. Consequently we may believe that Gauls even crossed over into Germany. For what a trifling obstacle would a river be to the various tribes, as they grew in strength and wished to possess in exchange settlements which were still open to all, and not partitioned among powerful monarchies! Accordingly the country between the Hercynian forest and the rivers Rhine and Moenus, and that which lies beyond, was occupied respectively by the Helvetii and Boii, both tribes of Gaul. The name Boiemum still survives, marking the old tradition of the place, though the population has been changed. Whether however the Aravisci migrated into Pannonia from the Osi, a German race, or whether the Osi came from the Aravisci into Germany, as both nations still retain the same language, institutions, and customs, is a doubtful matter; for as they were once equally poor and equally free, either bank had the same attractions, the same drawbacks. The Treveri and Nerviiare even eager in their claims of a German origin, thinking that the glory of this descent distinguishes them from the uniform level of Gallic effeminacy. The Rhine bank itself is occupied by tribes unquestionably German,—the Vangiones, the Triboci, and the Nemetes. Nor do even the Ubii, though they have earned the distinction of being a Roman colony, and prefer to be called Agrippinenses, from the name of their founder, blush to own their origin. Having crossed the sea in former days, and given proof of their allegiance, they were settled on the Rhine-bank itself, as those who might guard it but need not be watched. (Latin)

XXIX

Foremost among all these nations in valour, the Batavi occupy an island within the Rhine and but a small portion of the bank. Formerly a tribe of the Chatti, they were forced by internal dissension to migrate to their present settlements and there become a part of the Roman Empire. They yet retain the honourable badge of an ancient alliance; for they are not insulted by tribute, nor ground down by the tax-gatherer. Free from the usual burdens and contributions, and set apart for fighting purposes, like a magazine of arms, we reserve them for our wars. The subjection of the Mattiaci is of the same character. For the greatness of the Roman people has spread reverence for our empire beyond the Rhine and the old boundaries. Thus this nation, whose settlements and territories are on their own side of the river, are yet in sentiment and purpose one with us; in all other respects they resemble the Batavi, except that they still gain from the soil and climate of their native land a keener vigour. I should not reckon among the German tribes the cultivators of the tithe-lands, although they are settled on the further side of the Rhine and Danube. Reckless adventurers from Gaul, emboldened by want, occupied this land of questionable ownership. After a while, our frontier having been advanced, and our military positions pushed forward, it was regarded as a remote nook of our empire and a part of a Roman province. (Latin)

XXX

Beyond them are the Chatti, whose settlements begin at the Hercynian forest, where the country is not so open and marshy as in the other cantons into which Germany stretches. They are found where there are hills, and with them grow less frequent, for the Hercynian forest keeps close till it has seen the last of its native Chatti. Hardy frames, close-knit limbs, fierce countenances, and a peculiarly vigorous courage, mark the tribe. For Germans, they have much intelligence and sagacity; they promote their picked men to power, and obey those whom they promote; they keep their ranks, note their opportunities, check their impulses, portion out the day, intrench themselves by night, regard fortune as a doubtful, valour as an unfailing, resource; and what is most unusual, and only given to systematic discipline, they rely more on the general than on the army. Their whole strength is in their infantry, which, in addition to its arms, is laden with iron tools and provisions. Other tribes you see going to battle, the Chatti to a campaign. Seldom do they engage in mere raids and casual encounters. It is indeed the peculiarity of a cavalry force quickly to win and as quickly to yield a victory. Fleetness and timidity go together; deliberateness is more akin to steady courage. (Latin)

XXXI

A practice, rare among the other German tribes, and simply characteristic of individual prowess, has become general among the Chatti, of letting the hair and beard grow as soon as they have attained manhood, and not till they have slain a foe laying aside that peculiar aspect which devotes and pledges them to valour. Over the spoiled and bleeding enemy they show their faces once more; then, and not till then, proclaiming that they have discharged the obligations of their birth, and proved themselves worthy of their country and of their parents. The coward and the unwarlike remain unshorn. The bravest of them also wear an iron ring (which otherwise is a mark of disgrace among the people) until they have released themselves by the slaughter of a foe. Most of the Chatti delight in these fashions. Even hoary-headed men are distinguished by them, and are thus conspicuous alike to enemies and to fellow-countrymen. To begin the battle always rests with them; they form the first line, an unusual spectacle. Nor even in peace do they assume a more civilised aspect. They have no home or land or occupation; they are supported by whomsoever they visit, as lavish of the property of others as they are regardless of their own, till at length the feebleness of age makes them unequal to so stern a valour. (Latin)

XXXII

Next to the Chatti on the Rhine, which has now a well-defined channel, and serves as a boundary, dwell the Usipii and Tencteri. The latter, besides the more usual military distinctions, particularly excel in the organisation of cavalry, and the Chatti are not more famous for their foot-soldiers than are the Tencteri for their horsemen. What their forefathers originated, posterity maintain. This supplies sport to their children, rivalry to their youths: even the aged keep it up. Horses are bequeathed along with the slaves, the dwelling-house, and the usual rights of inheritance; they go to the son, not to the eldest, as does the other property, but to the most warlike and courageous. (Latin)

XXXIII

After the Tencteri came, in former days, the Bructeri; but the general account now is, that the Chamavi and Angrivarii entered their settlements, drove them out and utterly exterminated them with the common help of the neighbouring tribes, either from hatred of their tyranny, or from the attractions of plunder, or from heaven's favourable regard for us. It did not even grudge us the spectacle of the conflict. More than sixty thousand fell, not beneath the Roman arms and weapons, but, grander far, before our delighted eyes. May the tribes, I pray, ever retain if not love for us, at least hatred for each other; for while the destinies of empire hurry us on, fortune can give no greater boon than discord among our foes. (Latin)

XXXIV

The Angrivarii and Chamavi are bounded in the rear by the Dulgubini and Chasuarii, and other tribes not equally famous. Towards the river are the Frisii, distinguished as the Greater and Lesser Frisii, according to their strength. Both these tribes, as far as the ocean, are skirted by the Rhine, and their territory also embraces vast lakes which Roman fleets have navigated. We have even ventured on the ocean itself in these parts. Pillars of Hercules, so rumour commonly says, still exist; whether Hercules really visited the country, or whether we have agreed to ascribe every work of grandeur, wherever met with, to his renown. Drusus Germanicus indeed did not lack daring; but the ocean barred the explorer's access to itself and to Hercules. Subsequently no one has made the attempt, and it has been thought more pious and reverential to believe in the actions of the gods than to inquire. (Latin)

XXXV

Thus far we have taken note of Western Germany. Northwards the country takes a vast sweep. First comes the tribe of the Chauci, which, beginning at the Frisian settlements, and occupying a part of the coast, stretches along the frontier of all the tribes which I have enumerated, till it reaches with a bend as far as the Chatti. This vast extent of country is not merely possessed, but densely peopled, by the Chauci, the noblest of the German races, a nation who would maintain their greatness by righteous dealing. Without ambition, without lawless violence, they live peaceful and secluded, never provoking a war or injuring others by rapine and robbery. Indeed, the crowning proof of their valour and their strength is, that they keep up their superiority without harm to others. Yet all have their weapons in readiness, and an army if necessary, with a multitude of men and horses; and even while at peace they have the same renown of valour. (Latin)

XXXVI

Dwelling on one side of the Chauci and Chatti, the Cherusci long cherished, unassailed, an excessive and enervating love of peace. This was more pleasant than safe, for to be peaceful is self-deception among lawless and powerful neighbours. Where the strong hand decides, moderation and justice are terms applied only to the more powerful; and so the Cherusci, ever reputed good and just, are now called cowards and fools, while in the case of the victorious Chatti success has been identified with prudence. The downfall of the Cherusci brought with it also that of the Fosi, a neighbouring tribe, which shared equally in their disasters, though they had been inferior to them in prosperous days. (Latin)

XXXVII

In the same remote corner of Germany, bordering on the ocean dwell the Cimbri, a now insignificant tribe, but of great renown. Of their ancient glory widespread traces yet remain; on both sides of the Rhine are encampments of vast extent, and by their circuit you may even now measure the warlike strength of the tribe, and find evidence of that mighty emigration. Rome was in her 640th year when we first heard of the Cimbrian invader in the consulship of Caecilius Metellus and Papirius Carbo,^[1] from which time to the second consulship of the Emperor Trajan^[2] we have to reckon about 210 years. So long have we been in conquering Germany. In the space of this long epoch many losses have been sustained on both sides. Neither Samnite nor Carthaginian, neither Spain nor Gaul, not even the Parthians, have given us more frequent warnings. German independence truly is fiercer than the despotism of an Arsaces. What else, indeed, can the East taunt us with but the slaughter of Crassus, when it has itself lost Pacorus, and been crushed under a Ventidius? But Germans, by routing or making prisoners of Carbo, Cassius, Scaurus Aurelius, Servilius Caepio, and Marcus Manlius, deprived the Roman people of five consular armies, and they robbed even a Caesar of Varus and his three legions. Not without loss to us were they discomfited by Marius in Italy, by the great Julius in Gaul, and by Drusus, Nero, and Germanicus, on their own ground. Soon after, the mighty menaces of Gaius Caesar were turned into a jest. Then came a lull, until on the occasion of our discords and the civil war, they stormed the winter camp of our legions, and even designed the conquest of Gaul. Again were they driven back; and in recent times we have celebrated triumphs rather than won conquests over them. (Latin)

XXXVIII

I must now speak of the Suevi, who are not one nation as are the Chatti and Tencteri, for they occupy the greater part of Germany, and have hitherto been divided into separate tribes with names of their own, though they are called by the general designation of "Suevi". A national peculiarity with them is to twist their hair back, and fasten it in a knot This distinguishes the Suevi from the other Germans, as it also does their own freeborn from their slaves. With other tribes, either from some connection with the Suevic race, or, as often happens, from imitation, the practice is an occasional one, and restricted to youth. The Suevi, till their heads are grey, affect the fashion of drawing back their unkempt locks, and often they are knotted on the very top of the head. The chiefs have a more elaborate style; so much do they study appearance, but in perfect innocence, not with any thoughts of love-making; but arranging their hair when they go to battle, to make themselves tall and terrible, they adorn themselves, so to speak, for the eyes of the foe. (Latin)

XXXIX

The Semnones give themselves out to be the most ancient and renowned branch of the Suevi. Their antiquity is strongly attested by their religion. At a stated period, all the tribes of the same race assemble by their representatives in a grove consecrated by the auguries of their forefathers, and by immemorial associations of terror. Here, having publicly slaughtered a human victim, they celebrate the horrible beginning of their barbarous rite. Reverence also in other ways is paid to the grove. No one enters it except bound with a chain, as an inferior acknowledging the might of the local divinity. If he chance to fall, it is not lawful for him to be lifted up, or to rise to his feet; he must crawl out along the ground. All this superstition implies the belief that from this spot the nation took its origin, that here dwells the supreme and all-ruling deity, to whom all else is subject and obedient. The fortunate lot of the Semnones strengthens this belief; a hundred cantons are in their occupation, and the vastness of their community makes them regard themselves as the head of the Suevic race. (Latin)

XL

To the Langobardi, on the contrary, their scanty numbers are a distinction. Though surrounded by a host of most powerful tribes, they are safe, not by submitting, but by daring the perils of war. Next come theReudigni, the Aviones, the Anglii, the Varini, the Eudoses, the Suardones, and Nuithones who are fenced in by rivers or forests. None of these tribes have any noteworthy feature, except their common worship ofErtha, or mother-Earth, and their belief that she interposes in human affairs, and visits the nations in her car. In an island of the ocean there is a sacred grove, and within it a consecrated chariot, covered over with a garment. Only one priest is permitted to touch it. He can perceive the presence of the goddess in this sacred recess, and walks by her side with the utmost reverence as she is drawn along by heifers. It is a season of rejoicing, and festivity reigns wherever she deigns to go and be received. They do not go to battle or wear arms; every weapon is under lock; peace and quiet are known and welcomed only at these times, till the goddess, weary of human intercourse, is at length restored by the same priest to her temple. Afterwards the car, the vestments, and, if you like to believe it, the divinity herself, are purified in a secret lake. Slaves perform the rite, who are instantly swallowed up by its waters. Hence arises a mysterious terror and a pious ignorance concerning the nature of that which is seen only by men doomed to die. This branch indeed of the Suevi stretches into the remoter regions of Germany. (Latin)

XLI

Nearer to us is the state of the Hermunduri (I shall follow the course of the Danube as I did before that of the Rhine), a people loyal to Rome. Consequently they, alone of the Germans, trade not merely on the banks of the river, but far inland, and in the most flourishing colony of the province of Rætia. Everywhere they are allowed to pass without a guard; and while to the other tribes we display only our arms and our camps, to them we have thrown open our houses and country-seats, which they do not covet. It is in their lands that the Elbe takes its rise, a famous river known to us in past days; now we only hear of it. (Latin)

XLII

The Narisci border on the Hermunduri, and then follow the Marcomanni and Quadi. The Marcomanni stand first in strength and renown, and their very territory, from which the Boii were driven in a former age, was won by valour. Nor are the Narisci and Quadi inferior to them. This I may call the frontier of Germany, so far as it is completed by the Danube. The Marcomanni and Quadi have, up to our time, been ruled by kings of their own nation, descended from the noble stock of Maroboduus and Tudrus. They now submit even to foreigners; but the strength and power of the monarch depend on Roman influence. He is occasionally supported by our arms, more frequently by our money, and his authority is none the less. (Latin)

XLIII

Behind them the Marsigni, Gotini, Osi, and Buri, close in the rear of the Marcomanni and Quadi. Of these, the Marsigni and Buri, in their language and manner of life, resemble the Suevi. The Gotini and Osi are proved by their respective Gallic and Pannonian tongues, as well as by the fact of their enduring tribute, not to be Germans. Tribute is imposed on them as aliens, partly by the Sarmatae, partly by the Quadi. The Gotini, to complete their degradation, actually work iron mines. All these nations occupy but little of the plain country, dwelling in forests and on mountain-tops. For Suevia is divided and cut in half by a continuous mountain-range, beyond which live a multitude of tribes. The name of Ligii, spread as it is among many states, is the most widely extended. It will be enough to mention the most powerful, which are the Harii, the Helvecones, the Manimi, the Helisii and the Nahanarvali. Among these last is shown a grove of immemorial sanctity. A priest in female attire has the charge of it. But the deities are described in Roman language as Castor and Pollux. Such, indeed, are the attributes of the divinity, the name being Alcis. They have no images, or, indeed, any vestige of foreign superstition, but it is as brothers and as youths that the deities are worshipped. The Harii, besides being superior in strength to the tribes just enumerated, savage as they are, make the most of their natural ferocity by the help of art and opportunity. Their shields are black, their bodies dyed. They choose dark nights for battle, and, by the dread and gloomy aspect of their death-like host, strike terror into the foe, who can never confront their strange and almost infernal appearance. For in all battles it is the eye which is first vanquished. (Latin)

XLIV

Beyond the Ligii are the Gothones, who are ruled by kings, a little more strictly than the other German tribes, but not as yet inconsistently with freedom. Immediately adjoining them, further from the coast, are theRugii and Lemovii, the badge of all these tribes being the round shield, the short sword, and servile submission to their kings. And now begin the states of the Suiones, situated on the Ocean itself, and these, besides men and arms, are powerful in ships. The form of their vessels is peculiar in this respect, that a prow at either extremity acts as a forepart, always ready for running into shore. They are not worked by sails, nor have they a row of oars attached to their sides; but, as on some rivers, the apparatus of rowing is unfixed, and shifted from side to side as circumstances require. And they likewise honour wealth, and so a single ruler holds sway with no restrictions, and with no uncertain claim to obedience. Arms are not with them, as with the other Germans, at the general disposal, but are in the charge of a keeper, who is actually a slave; for the ocean forbids the sudden inroad of enemies, and, besides, an idle multitude of armed men is easily demoralized. And indeed it is by no means the policy of a monarch to place either a nobleman, a freeborn citizen, or even a freedman, at the head of an armed force. (Latin)

XLV

Beyond the Suiones is another sea, sluggish and almost motionless, which, we may certainly infer, girdles and surrounds the world, from the fact that the last radiance of the setting sun lingers on till sunrise, with a brightness sufficient to dim the light of the stars. Even the very sound of his rising, as popular belief adds, may be heard, and the forms of gods and the glory round his head may be seen. Only thus far (and here rumour seems truth) does the world extend. At this point the Suevic sea, on its eastern shore, washes the tribes of the Aestii, whose rites and fashions and style of dress are those of the Suevi, while their language is more like the British. They worship the mother of the gods, and wear as a religious symbol the device of a wild boar. This serves as armour, and as a universal defence, rendering the votary of the goddess safe even amidst enemies. They often use clubs, iron weapons but seldom. They are more patient in cultivating corn and other produce than might be expected from the general indolence of the Germans. But they also search the deep, and are the only people who gather amber (which they call "glesum"), in the shallows, and also on the shore itself. Barbarians as they are they have not investigated or discovered what natural cause or process produces it. Nay, it even lay amid the sea's other refuse, till our luxury gave it a name. To them it is utterly useless; they gather it in its raw state, bring it to us in shapeless lumps, and marvel at the price which they receive. It is however a juice from trees, as you may infer from the fact that there are often seen shining through it, reptiles, and even winged insects, which, having become entangled in the fluid, are gradually enclosed in the substance as it hardens. I am therefore inclined to think that the islands and countries of the West, like the remote recesses of the East, where frankincense and balsam exude, contain fruitful woods and groves; that these productions, acted on by the near rays of the sun, glide in a liquid state into the adjacent sea, and are thrown up by the force of storms on the opposite shores. If you test the composition of amber by applying fire, it burns like pinewood, and sends forth a rich and fragrant flame; it is soon softened into something like pitch or resin. Closely bordering on the Suiones are the tribes of the Sitones, which, resembling them in all else, differ only in being ruled by a woman. So low have they fallen, not merely from freedom, but even from slavery itself. Here Suevia ends. (Latin)

XLVI

As to the tribes of the Peucini, Veneti, and Fenni I am in doubt whether I should class them with the Germans or the Sarmatae, although indeed the Peucini called by some Bastarnae, are like Germans in their language, mode of life, and in the permanence of their settlements. They all live in filth and sloth, and by the intermarriages of the chiefs they are becoming in some degree debased into a resemblance to the Sarmatae. The Veneti have borrowed largely from the Sarmatian character; in their plundering expeditions they roam over the whole extent of forest and mountain between the Peucini and Fenni. They are however to be rather referred to the German race, for they have fixed habitations carry shields, and delight in strength and fleetness of foot, thus presenting a complete contrast to the Sarmatae, who live in waggons and on horseback. The Fenni are strangely beast-like and squalidly poor; neither arms nor homes have they; their food is herbs, their clothing skins, their bed the earth. They trust wholly to their arrows, which, for want of iron, are pointed with bone. The men and the women are alike supplied by the chase; for the latter are always present, and demand a share of the prey. The little children have no shelter from wild beasts and storms but a covering of interlaced boughs. Such are the homes of the young, such the resting place of the old. Yet they count this greater happiness than groaning over field-labour, toiling at building, and poising the fortunes of themselves and others between hope and fear. Heedless of men, heedless of gods, they have attained that hardest of results, the not needing so much as a wish. All else is fabulous, as that the Hellusii and Oxiones have the faces and expressions of men, with the bodies and limbs of wild beasts. All this is unauthenticated, and I shall leave it open.